People have questioned my motivation for calling for Gordon Brown to step down after the European Elections in June. I stand by what I said in June and my sentiments have not changed. The Labour party offers the best future for Britain and it is incumbent upon us all in that party to bring the very best of our politics to the fore.

To articulate such a view just a few short months before a General Election will inevitably lead to accusations of disloyalty. I have been in active politics most of my life and have always held to the view that loyalty should be first to ones principles and then to ones country and party, not merely to a particular political leader.

At times the concept of loyalty can for some people be confusing. When a party leader is amazingly successful, wins election after election, and is hailed as the greatest communicator of his age, it is easy to believe that loyalty to country and party, and loyalty to a leader is the same thing. Too often the success of a particular leader robs even the most thoughtful citizens of the capacity to think about the visions, values and policies that should guide our lives and our country.

Our present Prime Minister leads the country in very difficult times and he must be credited with leadership of heroic proportions in the face of the international financial collapse and the global recession that has followed. We must however, ask ourselves why this global role has not seemed to have made Gordon Brown more popular at home, where his personal popularity lags far behind that of our party.

To many, the Prime Ministers inability to successfully connect with voters lies in his failure to legitimise himself as the leader of our country, and for Labour supporters to legitimise his role as Party leader.

The question of legitimacy is particularly important for any leader who gains the top position as a result of a political coup. It is no secret that Gordon Brown deeply resented Tony Blair's leadership and it was clear that as Chancellor he actively developed a core of supporters in Government and outside, determined to frustrate many of Blair's policies and aspirations. Thankfully in most cases this group failed but it did not make an already enormous challenge any easier.

Eventually, the deep resentment moved from the systematic undermining of policies to an all out carefully orchestrated destabilisation of Blair as Prime Minister. So successful was the Brown camp's campaign that despite the Blair pledge to serve a full term he reluctantly succumbed to the pressure and resigned as Prime Minster and party leader.

The success of the coup meant that an opportunity immediately presented itself for Gordon Brown to face election for leader of the Labour Party. His first grave mistake was that the opportunity for a democratic contest was rejected and the Brown team, led by Ed Balls used every lever to ensure that there was no contest and to stifle any challenge. This was an error of judgement the Prime Minister now lives to regret.

Newly ensconced in Number 10, the Prime Minister had another perfect opportunity to receive the seal of public approval with an early election. This time, he procrastinated, changed his mind, and then decided to risk the long parliamentary journey to a General Election in 2010.

The Prime Minister has now had a considerable length of time to settle into the role, build a reputation and give a new sense of purpose to the country and to his party. Last June's truly dreadful performance in the European Elections and the dismal local election results of the same day, gave many of us cause for great concern. Most of us agreed to give the Prime Minister more time over the summer and even beyond that, but since then, little has happened to restore faith in his capacity, to engage the public and get them on his side.

Many believe that the winning genius of Tony Blair was that he brought together disparate groups in an alliance of optimism. There are now worrying signs that Gordon Brown intends to fight the election on a class war platform, however he dresses it up in the language of fairness. It will be tragically damaging for Labour to retreat to what it regards as its ‘traditional core' vote, rather than to reach out to the ‘floating' and ‘don't know' voters who are crucial to winning the next election.

Set all this in the context that it is clear that the British electorate, at the moment, has not learned to love the Prime Minister, although they might respect him, but they are also deeply uninspired by the vapid leadership offered by Cameron and Clegg and their respective parties. Therefore, there is still time to seize this opportunity for change, whatever the hesitant might say. The challenge for any leader is to promote a new vision for our country, inspire and enthuse the electorate and win their votes. I believe that only a strong Labour leader, unfettered by political history can do this.

No one would wish to underrate the truly significant contribution that Gordon Brown has made to our nations politics over the past twenty years. We all understand that at heart he wants the very best for Britain. However, now is the time for those around him who also care about our country's future, to convince him that it is time for him to make way for a new leader. I will, as I have done for the past 30 years, continue to articulate the Labour vision in my constituency and in the country. Whatever happens, the next election will be fought in a new era for Britain. We must be bold, and for Britain's sake we must win.